|
THE GREAT IRAQI MISSILE
MYSTERY
BY ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN
EDITOR'S NOTE:
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bring you cutting edge analysis of an
important issue of the day from Dr.
Anthony Cordesman, the Arleigh Burke Chair
in Strategy at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies and Co-Director
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We are pleased to have the opportunity to
provide Dr. Cordesman's de-mystification
of "The Great Iraqi Missile
Mystery" today. GulfWire
wishes to thank him for allowing us to
share it with you.
Patrick W. Ryan
Editor-in-Chief, GulfWire
[See
below for more in GulfWire from Dr.
Cordesman]
THE GREAT IRAQI MISSILE MYSTERY: THE
MILITARY IMPORTANCE OF THE ABABIL, AL
SAMOUD II, AL FATAH, BADR 2000, AND AL
HUYSAYN
Anthony H. Cordesman
Arleigh A. Burke Chair for Strategy
Center for Strategic and International
Studies
Revised February 25, 2003
The last few days have left many people
deeply puzzled about the nature of the
Iraqi missile effort, the scale and
importance of Iraqi violations of the UN
Security Council Resolutions, and the
difficulty of carrying out UN inspections.
There have also been many press reports
that have confused the names of various
Iraqi missiles, or made serious technical
errors.
The following analysis draws on UNMOVIC
and UNSCOM reports, CIA and IC reports,
and NGO reports from groups like the
Federation of American Scientists and
Global Security Organization. It involves
a wide range of complex issues, but it
also provides a great deal of insight into
just how thorough Iraq's efforts to lie
and conceal have been, how serious its
current violations are, and how difficult
and uncertain the task UNMOVIC faces
really is.
The Ababil-100 is a Free Rocket, Not
a Missile UNMOVIC Has Charged with
Violation of the 150-kilometer Limit
A great deal of confusion has arisen
because many sources are using the term
"Ababil" to describe one of the
missiles UNMOVIC believes is in violation
of the UN Security Council Resolutions.
The problem has arisen because such
reporting used the "cover" name
Iraq applied to secret programs in an
effort to disguise them.
Iraq developed a serious of long-range
rockets during the Iran-Iraq War called
the Ababil series. It extensively deployed
the Ababil-50 and developed the
Ababil-100.
These developments were based on
programs where Iraq had extended the range
of the Luna-M (FROG-7A) from 70,000 to
90,000 meters. Iraq experimented with
eight different [multiple rocket launching
systems] MRLS using a wide range of
technologies from around the globe to
develop a system that could be made in
Iraq and mass produced for use by Iraqi
forces and for export.
The Ababil-50 is believed to be with
Iraqi forces, but the operational status
of the Ababil-100 is more uncertain. The
Ababil-100 is a 400 mm diameter rocket
that is designed to be truck mounted in an
MLRS with a four round capability. Each
rocket is designed to carry a warhead
capable of dispensing 300 antitank
bomblets and 25 antitank minelets. The
"Ababil-100" is designed to have
a range of up to 130 to 140 km. However,
the Ababil does not appear to have been
fully flight-tested and it is uncertain
how many Ababil-100s have been deployed -
if any. This is a potentially important
issue for several reasons. It would be the
only artillery rocket with a warhead large
enough to carry secret chemical or
biological payloads any serious distance,
its conventional warhead is the only one
with enough firepower to cover a
significant area and be lethal against US
forces at a long distance, and it is large
enough to create targeting problems for US
forces as to whether they are striking at
an Al Samoud II or Scud.
Reports of the destruction of the
Ababil-100 in recent US air raids in Iraq
raise questions because it is not clear
that the Ababil-100 has actually been
deployed. The rocket actually involved may
really be the Ababil-50 -- or M-87 Orkan
-- which is a 12 tube 262 mm Iraqi MRL
that was jointly developed with
Yugoslavia. This multiple rocket launcher
is also used by Bosnia, and Croatia. The
rocket has a range of about 50 km. It is
mounted on a heavy truck chassis. A
battery consists of four launchers, four
resupply trucks each carrying one set of
rockets, a FDC truck with a van body, a
light vehicle for surveying, a FIST
vehicle (usually a light armored vehicle),
and a weather vehicle truck with a van
body. The trucks and the light vehicle are
all armed with DShKs for the vehicle
commanders.
What is clear is that the Ababil
artillery rockets are not among the
systems that Blix has found to be in
possible violation.
The problem of nomenclature gets
complex, however, because Iraq used the
name "Ababil" as a cover name
for other programs that were in violation
of the UN Security Council Resolutions.
The UN Special Commission (UNSCOM)
discovered that Iraq was claiming to
develop new SRBMs under the cover name of
the Ababil well before it was expelled
from Iraq in 1998.
Around August 1991, Iraq started a
secret project to construct a
surface-to-surface missile called
"J-1" without notifying the
UNSCOM as required by the Security Council
resolutions. UNSCOM described this Iraqi
effort to disguise the true nature of its
missile programs as follows in its final
report in January 1999:
| Available
evidence revealed that Lt.
General Hussein Kamil had a
meeting with senior engineers in
May 1993 to assess missile
activities ongoing in Iraq at
that time. Notes taken of the
meeting indicated that among the
issues discussed were a turbo
pump to feed four Volga/SA2
missile engine combustion
chambers and a design of the
engine for a "larger
missile." These activities
were not declared to the
Commission at that time. Such
activities could have been of a
proscribed nature.
Iraq declared that work on
the turbo pump to feed
simultaneously four Volga/SA2
missile engine combustion
chambers actually started at the
beginning of 1995. Assistance
from abroad had been sought by
Iraq for this project. Iraq
stated that the effort achieved
no tangible results. According
to the Commission's assessment,
a single stage missile with four
engines of this type could have
a range in excess of the
permitted limit of 150
kilometers.
Iraq declared that work on
the 7-ton thrust missile engine
had only started in June 1995.
Such an engine could increase
substantially the propulsive
force of the then-declared
missile system under
development, which already had a
range just below the permitted
threshold of 150 kilometers. The
engineer involved in the project
claimed to have no knowledge of
the purpose of the development
of the new engine. He stated
that no designs had been
completed. No documentation has
been provided by Iraq regarding
these activities.
...Available evidence shows
that around August 1991, Iraq
started a secret project to
construct a surface-to-surface
missile called "J-1"
without notifying the Commission
as required by the Security
Council resolutions. No aspect
of the J-1 program -- from
design, to parts manufactured,
to flight-testing -- was
declared to the Commission until
late 1995 i.e. some two years
after it was allegedly aborted.
Iraq states that Lt. General
Hussein Kamil issued the orders
both for the project itself and
for the requirement to keep it a
secret from the Commission.
During the period when work
on the J-1 project was ongoing,
the Commission's inspectors were
told by Iraq that it was merely
developing a non-proscribed
Ababil-100 missile that it had
declared to the Commission. As
it is known now, the Ababil 100
had some specifications similar
to the J-1. Iraq admitted later
that its intention had been to
hide the "covert"
undeclared project from
inspectors within
"open" work being done
at declared missile facilities.
Specific measures were taken by
Iraq to conceal the J-1 effort
from the inspection teams.
Components for J-1 missiles were
hidden or removed before visits
of inspection teams.
The J-1 project was declared
abandoned in May 1993. According
to Iraq's declarations,
prototypes of the J-1 missile
were built and six flight tests
were conducted in January -
April 1993. Iraq provided
several documents as well as
imagery showing some of the test
launches. Some components said
to be produced under the J-1
program were also shown to
inspectors. The Commission has
conducted document and computer
searches at the relevant
facilities to find additional
supporting data - such as
contemporaneous production
records - to verify Iraq's
declarations, albeit without
success. Iraq stated that some
of the hardware associated with
the project had unilaterally
been melted in foundries after
the J-1 project had been stopped
in May 1993.
Iraq's development of the J-1
surface-to-surface missile was
based on the Volga/SA2
surface-to-air missile with
certain modifications,
particularly to its engine and
guidance and control system.
There were key similarities
between the J-1 missile and the
Fahad missiles that were under
development in Iraq before the
adoption of resolution 687
(1991). The Fahad missiles,
based also on modification of
Volga/SA2 systems, were
proscribed weapons with declared
ranges of 300 or 500 kilometers.
Iraq declared that the J-1
missile had never been intended
to reach proscribed ranges, and
stated that the longest range
achieved during the tests in
1993 was 134 kilometers. The
Commission has no independent
information that verifies the
ranges achieved in the J-1
missile flight tests. The
Commission's analysis indicates
that the system, as tested, was
inherently capable of reaching
proscribed ranges. Given certain
technical aspects associated
with this project, it will be
difficult to conclusively verify
Iraq's declarations."
There were key similarities
between the J-1 missile and the
Fahad missiles that were under
development in Iraq before the
adoption of resolution 687
(1991). Iraq's development of
the J-1 surface-to-surface
missile was based on the
Volga/SA2 surface-to-air missile
with certain modifications,
particularly to its engine and
guidance and control system.
During the period when work on
the J-1 project was ongoing,
UNSCOM inspectors were told by
Iraq that it was merely
developing a non-proscribed
Ababil-100 missile that it had
declared to UNSCOM.
|
This use of Ababil as a cover name led
a number of analysts and NGOs to start
using the terms Ababil, Al Fatah, and
sometimes Al Samoud, confusing the cover
story for the F-1 and the new missile with
the Ababil.
The CIA used the Ababil cover name in
its fall 2002 report on Iraqi missile
efforts,
| Iraq continues to
work on UN-authorized
short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs)-those
with a range no greater than 150
km-that help develop the
expertise and infrastructure
needed to produce longer-range
missile systems. The al-Samoud
liquid propellant SRBM and the
Ababil-100 solid propellant SRBM,
however, are capable of flying
beyond the allowed 150 km range.
Both missiles have been tested
aggressively and are in early
deployment. Other evidence
strongly suggests Iraq is
modifying missile testing and
production facilities to produce
even longer-range missiles. |
The British intelligence report did the
same thing,
| In mid-2001 the
JIC (Joint Intelligence
Committee) drew attention to
what it described as a
"step-change" in
progress on the Iraqi missile
program over the previous two
years. It was clear from
intelligence that the range of
Iraqi missiles which was
permitted by the UN and
supposedly limited to 150
kilometers was being extended
and that work was underway on
larger engines for longer-range
missiles. In early 2002 the JIC
concluded that Iraq had begun to
develop missiles with a range of
over 1,000 kilometers. The JIC
assessed that if sanctions
remained effective the Iraqis
would not be able to produce
such a missile before 2007.
Sanctions and the earlier work
of the inspectors had caused
significant problems for Iraqi
missile development. In the
previous six months Iraqi
foreign procurement efforts for
the missile program had been
bolder. The JIC also assessed
that Iraq retained up to 20
al-Hussein missiles from before
the Gulf War.
Since the Gulf War, Iraq has
been openly developing two
short-range missiles up to a
range of 150 km, which are
permitted under UN Security
Council Resolution 687. The al-Samoud
liquid propellant missile has
been extensively tested and is
being deployed to military
units. Intelligence indicates
that at least 50 have been
produced. Intelligence also
indicates that Iraq has worked
on extending its range to at
least 200 km in breach of UN
Security Resolution 687.
Production of the solid
propellant Ababil-100 (Figure 4)
is also underway, probably as an
unguided rocket at this stage.
There are also plans to extend
its range to at least 200 km.
Compared to liquid propellant
missiles, those powered by solid
propellant offer greater ease of
storage, handling and mobility.
They are also quicker to take
into and out of action and can
stay at a high state of
readiness for longer periods.
|
(Please note that further confusion can
arise over names because Iraq referred to
its satellite booster as the Al-Abid and
the very long-range ballistic missile
version of the Scud it was developing as
the Al-Abbas.)
The Al Samoud and Al Fatah
All of this background explains why
Blix, quite correctly, does not refer to
the Ababil as one of the SRBMs that may
violate the 150-kilometer range limit. He
instead refers to the Al Samoud II and the
Al-Fatah. The Al-Samoud II is clearly in
violation of the range limit. The status
of the Al-Fatah is uncertain.
On January 27, Blix stated,
| Two projects in
particular stand out. They are
the development of a
liquid-fuelled missile named the
Al Samoud 2, and a solid
propellant missile, called the
Al Fatah. Both missiles have
been tested to a range in excess
of the permitted range of 150
km, with the Al Samoud 2 being
tested to a maximum of 183 km
and the Al Fatah to 161 km. Some
of both types of missiles have
already been provided to the
Iraqi Armed Forces even though
it is stated that they are still
undergoing development.
The Al Samoud's diameter was
increased from an earlier
version to the present 760 mm.
This modification was made
despite a 1994 letter from the
Executive Chairman of UNSCOM
directing Iraq to limit its
missile diameters to less than
600 mm. Furthermore, a November
1997 letter from the Executive
Chairman of UNSCOM to Iraq
prohibited the use of engines
from certain surface-to-air
missiles for the use in
ballistic missiles.
During my recent meeting in
Baghdad, we were briefed on
these two programs. We were told
that the final range for both
systems would be less than the
permitted maximum range of 150
km.
These missiles might well
represent prima facie cases of
proscribed systems. The test
ranges in excess of 150 km are
significant, but some further
technical considerations need to
be made, before we reach a
conclusion on this issue. In the
mean time, we have asked Iraq to
cease flight tests of both
missiles.
In addition, Iraq has
refurbished its missile
production infrastructure. In
particular, Iraq reconstituted a
number of casting chambers,
which had previously been
destroyed under UNSCOM
supervision. They had been used
in the production of solid-fuel
missiles. Whatever missile
system these chambers are
intended for, they could produce
motors for missiles capable of
ranges significantly greater
than 150 km.
Also associated with these
missiles and related
developments is the import,
which has been taking place
during the last few years, of a
number of items despite the
sanctions, including as late as
December 2002. Foremost amongst
these is the import of 380
rocket engines which may be used
for the Al Samoud 2.
Iraq also declared the recent
import of chemicals used in
propellants, test
instrumentation and, guidance
and control systems. These items
may well be for proscribed
purposes. That is yet to be
determined. What is clear is
that they were illegally brought
into Iraq, that is, Iraq or some
company in Iraq, circumvented
the restrictions imposed by
various resolutions.
|
On February 14, Blix stated,
| In my January
update to the Council, I
referred to the Al Samoud 2 and
the Al Fatah missiles,
reconstituted casting chambers,
construction of a missile engine
test stand and the import of
rocket engines, which were all
declared to UNMOVIC by Iraq. I
noted that the Al Samoud 2 and
the Al Fatah could very well
represent prima facie cases of
proscribed missile systems, as
they had been tested to ranges
exceeding the 150-kilometer
limit set by the Security
Council. I also noted that Iraq
had been requested to cease
flight tests of these missiles
until UNMOVIC completed a
technical review.
Earlier this week, UNMOVIC
missile experts met for two days
with experts from a number of
Member States to discuss these
items. The experts concluded
unanimously that, based on the
data provided by Iraq, the two
declared variants of the Al
Samoud 2 missile were capable of
exceeding 150 kilometers in
range. This missile system is
therefore proscribed for Iraq
pursuant to resolution 687
(1991) and the monitoring plan
adopted by resolution 715
(1991).
As for the Al Fatah, the
experts found that clarification
of the missile data supplied by
Iraq was required before the
capability of the missile system
could be fully assessed.
|
These statements have led to a great
deal of additional confusion over why what
seems like a minor increase in range is
meaningful. Converted into miles, the
difference for the Al Samoud is only the
difference between 93 and 124 miles.
In practice, however, this increase in
range is much more important than it
seems. If it is only considered in
tactical terms and in potential use
against British and American troops, it
amounts to the ability to increase the
warhead weight by some 50%, and any
chemical or biological payload by about
70% -- allowing for the dissemination
mechanism and fusing. Alternatively, it
increases the search area necessary to
find the missile' location in rear areas
by 50%. Like the Ababil rocket, such
missiles would also be one of the few ways
Iraq could make up for the fact its
airpower cannot survive in combat. Some 76
Al Samoud IIs are known to have been
produced. The total is now more likely to
be 100, and some 50 are believed to be in
the field. If they have biological or
chemical warheads, this may help explain
Iraq's reluctance to destroy them.
The current range-payload of the Al
Samoud II, however, is only part of the
problem. It is a liquid fueled missile
with some Scud components. This means it
can be increased in range fairly easily by
stretching its length to have more fuel,
scaling it up to make it bigger, or making
it into a two stage missile. Work by
Richard Spiers for the Washington
Institute notes that the Al Samoud missile
has grown from a diameter of 400 mm (SA-2)
to 500 mm to 760 mm. While it has only
been tested to 123 miles, the increase
from 500-mm to 760-mm allows the amount of
fuel to double. Rapid growth to 200-300
kilometers is possible.
Spiers notes that,
| In creating the
al-Samoud, Iraq took the
liquid-fuel SA-2 rocket engine
and incorporated it into a
missile based heavily on Scud
technology. The al-Samoud's
thrust vector controls, which
aim the rocket in a precise
direction, are those of the Scud
rather than the SA-2. The design
of the al-Samoud's components
and geometry are clearly similar
to those of the Scud as well;
even its guidance system bears
more resemblance to the Scud's
than to the SA-2's. Moreover,
the al-Samoud missile system
includes an Iraqi-designed
transporter-erector-launcher for
quick deployment, similar to the
Scud; the SA-2 does not have
this feature. Perhaps most
important, the manufacturing
technology developed for the al-Samoud
-- particularly brazing
technology, in which missile
parts are metallically fused --
solved many of the problems that
had hindered Iraq's Scud
production prior to the Gulf
War. Indeed, Robert Schmucker, a
former missile inspector with
the UN Special Commission on
Iraq (UNSCOM), argued in 1999
that the al-Samoud "should
be considered as a simplified
Scud B system on a 25 percent
scale."
…Under UNSCOM monitoring
during the 1990s, the missile
had a diameter of 50
centimeters. In spite of
explicit UNSCOM prohibitions,
however, it acquired a bigger
brother (sometimes called the
al-Samoud 2) with a diameter of
76 centimeters, close to the
Scud's diameter of 88
centimeters. The issue of
diameters is not a quibble; for
a missile of a given length, the
amount of propellant it can hold
grows with the square of its
diameter. Hence, the al-Samoud 2
could carry 2.3 times as much
propellant as the smaller
variant, leading Schmucker to
estimate that it could fly
nearly twice as far.
…These performance
estimates do not account for the
possibility that improvements
may have been made to the
missile in the years since
UNSCOM monitoring. Schmucker's
1999 estimates envisioned
"medium term"
improvements that could extend
the range of the smaller al-Samoud
to 230 kilometers with its full
300-kilogram payload. With a
payload reduced to 200
kilograms, the range would rise
to 300 kilometers. Presumably,
the larger missile's range could
be increased correspondingly.
Moreover, as with the Tammuz
II (an SA-2 on top of an al-Husayn),
the al-Samoud could be
incorporated into a two-stage
missile. Depending on the
specifics of the design, a
300-kilogram payload could be
delivered to a range in excess
of 1,000 kilometers. Such a
missile is not publicly reported
to exist at present, but many
former UNSCOM inspectors fear
that it may be the next step.
|
The Al Fatah is a solid-fueled missile
derived from the SA-2 and the J-1. Just to
make things even more confusing, however,
the al Fatah seems very similar or
identical to what UNSCOM called the Fahad
missile. UNSCOM said in its last 1999
report that,
| In July 1991,
UNSCOM supervised the
destruction of 9 Fahad missiles.
The Fahad missiles were
Volga/SA2 surface-to-air
missiles that Iraq modified for
a surface-to-surface
application, with ranges over
150 kilometers. Twenty-one
flight tests of Fahad missiles
were declared to have been
conducted by Iraq before the
Gulf War. No supporting
documentation has been provided
by Iraq to ascertain how many
such missiles were modified.
Unmodified Volga missiles
declared by Iraq in 1996 are
currently under the Commission's
monitoring in order to ensure
their non-modification for a
surface-to-surface application
or for delivery of
non-conventional warheads. |
The range-payload of the Al Fatah
remains unclear. What is clear is that
Iraq illegally imported 380 SA-2 engines
after UNSCR 1441 was passed. This is
violation that Blix has said must result
in the destruction of the engines.
Spiers also notes that,
| China used the
SA-2 as the basis for its
150-kilometer range
"8610" missile, which
it later exported to Iran. India
used a cluster of two SA-2
rocket engines for the
propulsion system of its
land-based Prithvi missile,
which has a range a 250
kilometers (the seabased
version, the Danush, has a range
of 350 kilometers). Prior to the
Gulf War, Iraq used the SA-2 as
the template for the Fahad
missile family, with the hope of
achieving ranges of 300 to 500
kilometers.
Iraq also planned to use the
SA-2 as the second stage of the
Tammuz II missile; by installing
it on top of an al-Husayn
missile (a stretched Scud),
designers hoped to attain a
range of 2,000 kilometers.
After the Gulf War, Iraq
tried to adapt the SA-2 as a
secret missile (termed the G-1
or J-1), but all flight tests
failed. Iraq had far better
success transforming the SA-2
into the al-Samoud, whose
claimed range fell below the
150-kilometer limit prescribed
by the ceasefire terms. In order
to make this adaptation, Iraq
combined the technology of the
SA-2 with that of a proscribed
missile, the Scud.
|
Furthermore, the ability to stack or
cluster solid fuel engines allows a rapid
increase in range, and the ability to test
solid fuel technology would aid Iraq in
developing the much longer range Badr-2000
described later - a project where Iraq is
also in violation for keeping illegal
engine castings and building a large
rocket motor test stand only needed for
much longer range missiles than are
permitted.
Badr-2000
A further note of confusion has arisen
over Blix's reference to the Badr-2000:
| UNSCOM ordered
and supervised the destruction
of the casting chambers, which
had been intended for use in the
production of the proscribed
Badr-2000 missile system. Iraq
has declared that it has
reconstituted these chambers.
The experts have confirmed that
the reconstituted casting
chambers could still be used to
produce motors for missiles
capable of ranges significantly
greater than 150 kilometers.
Accordingly, these chambers
remain proscribed. |
The Badr-2000 is part of a program that
British intelligence described as follows
in its fall 2002 white paper,
| Prior to the Gulf
War, Iraq had a well-developed
ballistic missile industry. Many
of the missiles fired in the
Gulf War were an Iraqi modified
version of the SCUD missile, the
al-Hussein, with an extended
range of 650 km. Iraq had about
250 imported SCUD-type missiles
prior to the Gulf War plus an
unknown number of indigenously
produced engines and components.
Iraq was working on other
stretched SCUD variants, such as
the al-Abbas, which had a range
of 900 km. Iraq was also seeking
to reverse-engineer the SCUD
engine with a view to producing
new missiles. Recent
intelligence indicates that they
may have succeeded at that time.
In particular, Iraq had plans
for a new SCUD-derived missile
with a range of 1200 km. Iraq
also conducted a partial flight
test of a multistage satellite
launch vehicle based on SCUD
technology, known as the al-Abid.
Also during this period, Iraq
was developing the Badr-2000, a
700-1000km range two-stage solid
propellant missile (based on the
Iraqi part of the 1980s CONDOR-
2 program run in cooperation
with Argentina and Egypt). There
were plans for1200-1500km range
solid propellant follow-on
systems. |
The CIA described these efforts as
follow in its fall 2002 report,
| Most of the
approximately 90 Scud-type
missiles Saddam fired at Israel,
Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain during
the Gulf war were al-Husayn
variants that the Iraqis
modified by lengthening the
airframe and increasing fuel
capacity, extending the range to
650 km. Baghdad was developing
other longer-range missiles
based on Scud technology,
including the 900 km al-Abbas.
Iraq was designing follow-on
multi-stage and clustered
medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM)
concepts with intended ranges up
to 3,000 km. Iraq also had a
program to develop a two-stage
missile, called the Badr-2000,
using solid-propellants with an
estimated range of 750 to 1,000
km.
Iraq never fully accounted
for its existing missile
programs. Discrepancies in
Baghdad's declarations suggest
that Iraq retains a small force
of extended-range Scud-type
missiles and an undetermined
number of launchers and
warheads. Further, Iraq never
explained the disposition of
advanced missile components,
such as guidance and control
systems, that it could not
produce on its own and that
would be critical to
developmental programs.
|
To put this reporting in context,
UNSCOM stated in its final report in 1999
that Iraq signed contracts in 1984 for the
importation of 115 surface-to-surface
missiles called the Badr 2000, and for the
establishment in Iraq of the
infrastructure for the production of the
first stage solid propellant rocket motors
for missiles of this class. The
construction of the infrastructure,
including a facility for the final
integration and testing of the complete
missile, started in 1985.
| Iraq declared
that it had experienced
difficulties with the supplier
Government with regard to the
provision of the missiles as
well as support and production
equipment. After contract delays
and in an effort to receive some
of the contracted items, Iraq
signed another contract, in
1987, for the provision of only
17 complete BADR 2000 missiles
and missile ground support
equipment. Iraq declared that it
soon realized that it would not
receive any of the contracted
missiles, nor most of the
contracted infrastructure. Iraq
terminated the contracts with
this supplier Government in late
1988.
Iraq declared that, in the
beginning of 1989, it attempted
to complete the BADR 2000
project by itself, in particular
the production of solid
propellant motors. This time it
decided to deal directly with
the supplier companies or their
middlemen, as well as to rely on
indigenous capabilities. Some
additional materials, equipment
and technologies were received
by Iraq in 1989 and 1990. In
late 1995 and early 1996, Iraq
provided to the Commission
substantial documentation,
including contracts with
suppliers, to support its
declarations on the BADR 2000
project. UNSCOM was unable to
verify Iraq's declarations with
the original supplier
Government.
Iraq declared that it had
never been successful in
commissioning the production or
integration facilities it had
been building, nor in
manufacturing any complete BADR
2000 missiles, nor had it
received from abroad any
operational missiles of this
system.
In response to resolution 687
(1991), Iraq declared three
facilities which had been under
construction in Iraq as part of
the BADR 2000 infrastructure as
well as some of the equipment
and materials procured for the
program. The Commission
supervised the destruction of
all declared items. In February
1992, the Commission also
identified, for destruction in
accordance with resolution 687
(1991), additional critical
equipment and buildings at these
facilities. Initially, Iraq
refused to comply with this
decision. Following Iraq's
disclosure of the unilateral
destruction in March 1992, Iraq
relented and the equipment and
buildings at the BADR 2000
facilities were destroyed under
the Commission's supervision. In
1996, Iraq declared that it had
diverted critical tools and
materials from the BADR 200
program and buried them in a
hide site. These items had been
declared unilaterally destroyed
and were shown to the Commission
in May 1992.
|
The problem here is that the Badr-2000
not only was supposedly destroyed by
UNSCOM in 1992, it is also is a long-range
missile derived from the
Iraqi-Egyptian-Argentine program called
the Condor, with ranges of up to
900-kilometers. As a result, the fact that
Iraq still has castings for the engine
shows it is in violation of the UN
Security Councils, and is working on a
very long range missile that would have to
have a chemical, biological, or nuclear
payload to have any meaningful military
lethality.
Regular Scud vs. Al Hussein vs. Al
Abid
Many reports make the additional
mistake of confusing the regular Scud,
with a range of 300-kilometers, with the
Al Hussein -- a greatly modified version
of the Scud that is really a very
different missile and has a range of some
650 kilometers.
These are the missiles that UNSCOM
concluded Iraq probably retained at least
12-25 of and which Secretary Powell said
Iraq had in the low dozens. (The worst
case would give Iraq some 80 missiles;
UNSCOM credited Iraq with destroying
engines without demanding full proof.)
There are probably far more Al Husseins
than regular Scuds left. UNSCOM reported
in January 1999 that,
| Iraq declared
that it imported 819 long-range
combat missiles(2) that fall
under prohibitions established
by resolution 687 (1991). Over
half of them were modified by
Iraq, since 1987, into missiles
known in Iraq as Al Hussein
class missiles. Al Hussein
missiles used by Iraq during
recent wars had a range of some
650 kilometers. Iraq declared
that, during the Gulf War, it
had 14 combat mobile launchers
for Al Hussein class missiles,
including ten which had been
imported and four which were
indigenously produced. It also
imported one launcher of this
type for training
purposes."
These are the only missiles
known to have had chemical and
biological warheads. Iraq
declared that it had imported
819 combat warheads for
proscribed missiles of SCUD/Al
Hussein class and that 121
combat warheads of the same type
had been produced indigenously
or had been under production at
the time of adoption of
resolution 687.
There is no evidence Iraq
ever successfully tested a 900
kilometer missile based on the
Scud. It did successfully test
the booster for the Al Abid. The
maximum range of Iraq's
surviving missiles, therefore,
is 650 kilometers.
|
Missing Chemical And Biological
Warheads
Another aspect of this technical and
reporting nightmare is that the warheads
for Iraq's Scud missiles are separate from
the Scud and Al Hussein body, and some
chemical and biological warheads are not
accounted for. There are two different
issues for UNMOVIC: Missing missiles and
missing warheads.
UNSCOM's final report describes the
missile warhead situation as follows:
| Iraq stated that
it had produced 25 combat
special warheads for BW (16
warheads filled with botulinum
toxin, 5 warheads with anthrax
and 4 warheads with aflatoxin)
and 50 combat special warheads
for CW (16 warheads filled with
sarin and 34 warheads with the
alcohol component of the binary
system). Out of 75 declared
combat special warheads, 25
warheads were declared as
indigenously produced (15 CW and
10 BW warheads) and 50 warheads
were modified from imported
warheads (35 CW and 15 BW
warheads). In addition, Iraq
declared that it had produced 3
special warheads for training
purposes, and that 3 additional
special warheads had been used
in static tests and 2 special
warheads had been used in flight
tests.
The 30 CW combat warheads (16
filled with sarin and 14 with
the alcohol component) were
destroyed under UNSCOM
supervision in 1991-1993. Iraq's
declarations on the disposal of
the remaining 45 combat special
warheads out of the 75 declared
as produced, stated that they
had been unilaterally destroyed
in early July 1991. The
assessment of the warhead
remnants excavated since August
1997 allows for the
identification of 43-45 special
warheads coming from the sites
of the declared unilateral
destruction.
Iraq's declarations and
supporting documents include a
specific distribution, by their
type and warfare agent filling,
of the 45 special warheads
unilaterally destroyed in July
1991. According to Iraq's
declarations, 20 of them were
chemical weapons and contained
only the alcohol component of
the CW binary system. Analysis
at the laboratories designated
by the Commission has detected
the presence of degradation
products of nerve agents, in
particular VX, on a number of
warhead remnants which were
excavated. A meeting of
international experts, including
representatives of the three
laboratories, which was held on
22-23 October 1998 concluded
that "the existence of VX
degradation products conflicts
with Iraq's declarations that
the unilaterally destroyed
special warheads had never been
filled with any chemical warfare
agents. The findings by all
three laboratories of chemicals
known to be degradation products
of decontamination compounds
also do not support Iraq's
declarations that those warhead
containers had only been in
contact with alcohols."
Clarification by Iraq of these
issues as recommended by the
meeting would allow the
Commission to make a
determination whether or not the
current assessment of the
quantity of special warheads
identified amongst the remnants
excavated, accounts for all
special warheads declared to
have been produced by Iraq and
provides for the verification of
their unilateral destruction.
Iraq described in detail the
procedures and methods of
unilateral destruction of the
special warheads by explosive
demolition. After examination of
the relevant destruction sites
and the special warhead remnants
recovered from them, the
Commission found that Iraq's
explanations were, in general,
plausible. However, in one
aspect dealing with the
destruction of BW warheads, the
Commission, after consulting a
group of international experts,
assessed that Iraq's declaration
that 15 warheads had been
destroyed simultaneously
conflicted with physical
evidence collected at the
declared location of their
unilateral destruction. This
finding indicated that not all
BW warheads had been destroyed
at the same time as declared by
Iraq and that Iraq had retained
some BW warheads after the
declared July 1991 unilateral
destruction date. The
discrepancies between Iraq's
current declarations on its
unilateral destruction of the
special warheads and the
physical evidence collected at
the destruction site need to be
clarified. In addition, the
Commission's investigations
showed that Iraq had not
provided the true locations of
the hiding, prior to the
declared unilateral destruction,
of at least half of the special
warheads including the above
mentioned 15 BW warheads. In
December 1998, Iraq again
identified new locations of
storage pits from where the
warheads had been moved to the
unilateral destruction sites.
The Commission could not again
confirm that the newly
identified locations had been
used for hiding warheads. Iraq's
continuous inability to disclose
hide sites of the special
warheads has also prevented the
Commission's verification of
declared unilateral destruction
of the special warheads.
Evidence has been recovered
pointing to Iraq's attempts to
design and produce
non-conventional warheads for
missiles other than Al Hussein.
Despite available documentary
evidence of work on
non-conventional warheads for so
called FROG short-range missiles
in 1990, Iraq insisted that all
such work was done only in 1988
without any success or follow-up
attempts. Iraq denied any
activities related to
non-conventional warheads for
Volga/SA 2 surface-to-air
missiles that it was modifying
for surface-to-surface
application.
|
This issue has immense practical
meaning because Iraq's ability to bring
Israel into a war or do serious damage to
any distance target is dependent on its
ability to either strike with chemical and
biological warheads, or carry out such
attacks covertly or with terrorist
proxies. Moreover, if Iraq has gone on to
develop more advanced warheads that are
fuzed to explode at the right altitude,
and which can disseminated chemical or
biological agents non-destructively, such
missile hits could easily be 10 to 100
times more lethal than the crude unitary
warheads Iraq had at the time of the Gulf
War. In fact, such a warhead with dry
storable Anthrax micropowder could have
the lethality of a small nuclear weapon.
A Separate Illegal Iraqi Missile
Effort with Links to the J-1 Program
UNSCOM never resolved the fate of yet
another long-range missile program. In its
final 1999 report, UNSCOM stated that,
| After the
adoption of resolution 687
(1991), Iraq attempted to retain
all available production
equipment from its factories to
manufacture liquid propellant
engines for proscribed Al
Hussein class missiles. As
reported above, this equipment
was destroyed or rendered
harmless by the Commission only
in July 1995. Up to November
1995, Iraq had been misleading
the Commission as to the nature
and capabilities of the
equipment retained.
After the adoption of
resolution 687 (1991), Iraq also
retained specialized tooling and
fixtures that had been used with
production equipment for
proscribed missile production.
Only after the submission of its
latest FFCD in the missile area
in June 1996 and after the
Commission presented its
evidence, did Iraq declare that
"most important"
tooling for missile production
equipment - in particular, for
proscribed Al Hussein missile
airframe and engine
manufacturing - had been
purposefully diverted from the
earlier declared July 1991
unilateral destruction.
According to Iraq, these tools
and some missile components were
then buried at a site of the
Special Republican Guard in a
manner such that they would be
preserved for future use. Iraq
claimed that the tooling hidden
at this site had been excavated
secretly by Iraqi personnel in
March 1992 and had been
subsequently unilaterally
destroyed.
Iraq declared that, at the
time of the adoption of
resolution 687 (1991), it had
also decided to retain
components and assemblies of
proscribed missiles but then
unilaterally destroyed them in
the second half of 1991. As
reported above, Iraq stated that
most of the items had been
melted in secret.
Iraq also retained
technological and know-how
documentation required for the
production of proscribed
missiles, in particular of the
Al Hussein class. Boxes of such
documentation were obtained by
the Commission in August 1995 at
the so-called "Chicken
farm." The documentation
included detailed plans,
procedure manuals and drawings
for production of proscribed
missiles and their components.
It should be noted that
technological documentation for
the final assembly of Al Hussein
missiles was not found either in
the boxes of August 1995 or
since.
Iraq retained, until late
1995, a parachute device for
retarding Al Hussein warheads
despite repeated questions posed
by the Commission concerning
such a proscribed device. Iraq
has not provided technically
consistent explanations for the
procurement of such systems
prior to adoption of resolution
687 (1991) nor for the retention
of the set until 1995.
Work on proscribed key
missile components and designs;
importation of proscribed
missile components and secret
acquisition of items declarable
under the Monitoring plan
The Commission has obtained
evidence that Iraq continued
work on some key proscribed
missile components after the
adoption of resolutions 687
(1991) and 715 (1991). In
particular, this involved such
areas as gyroscope instruments
for prohibited missile guidance
and control systems, a
technology Iraq had not fully
succeeded in developing itself
prior to the Gulf war. Most of
these prohibited activities were
declared by Iraq only in late
1995 or early 1996.
After the adoption of
resolution 687 (1991), Iraq
continued to import components
for gyroscope instruments until
at least November 1991. These
components had been ordered by
Iraq prior to the Gulf war
specifically for use in
proscribed missiles. Iraq
initially denied any dealing
with the supplier of these
components but, given the
information obtained by the
Commission, admitted extensive
deals with the supplier. Iraq
could not provide evidence to
support its statements that,
contrary to available evidence
and documentation, only a single
contract was signed with this
supplier in May 1988 for the
delivery of proscribed gyroscope
instruments and their components
had been in force.
In November 1993,
"working groups" were
established in Iraq tasked to
work on gyroscope instruments of
the proscribed missile. Iraq
declared that the order to begin
this effort was issued by Lt.
General Hussein Kamil. To
accomplish the task, samples of
original SCUD-B gyroscopes were
required. As Iraq's officials
told the Commission, one
engineer, of his own accord, had
kept one set of three such
gyroscopic instruments in his
home as a "souvenir."
The engineer then decided to
turn these instruments over to
the new working groups. In
addition, a technician is said
to have turned in microfilmed
drawings of proscribed
gyroscopic instruments done by a
foreign supplier prior to the
Gulf War. Iraq declared that the
gyroscope project had been
stopped after only two weeks of
work. Drawings produced by the
working groups, along with the
gyroscopes themselves, were
claimed to have been confiscated
by Iraqi authorities in 1993,
but it was decided not to hand
them over to the Commission at
that time. The microfilm with
drawings was said to have been
destroyed. Due to the lack of
supporting documentation, the
Commission is not able to verify
Iraq's declarations on the
nature and duration of these
proscribed activities nor on
disposal of all proscribed items
and drawings involved.
Evidence available to the
Commission shows that during the
same period of time, in 1993,
Iraq attempted to procure from
abroad guidance components for
proscribed Al Hussein missiles.
This poses the obvious question
why there was a need to procure,
in 1993, components specifically
used in proscribed missiles when
all such missiles had been
allegedly destroyed in 1991. A
missile facility in Iraq signed
a contract with a foreign
middleman to acquire a key
component (potentiometers) for
proscribed SCUD-B/Al Hussein
gyroscopes that Iraq stated it
was not able to produce or
procure before the Gulf war.
Under the contact, the middleman
purchased and brought to Iraq a
number of components and samples
of proscribed missile
gyroscopes. According to Iraq,
its officials learned of the
content of the shipment and
ordered it to be removed from
the country. They warned missile
establishments in Iraq not to
deal further with this
middleman. The shipment was
declared removed from Iraq in
May 1994. The Commission was not
able to verify the content of
the shipment nor its removal
from Iraq.
In August 1994, two major
missile facilities in Iraq
signed new contracts with the
same middleman whom they had
been warned not to deal with.
According to Iraq, the director
of one of them included in his
order a "secret list"
detailing a wide variety of
production and other
technologies including missile
gyroscope instruments that the
middleman was to deliver. The
"secret list" from
this contract was worth several
million dollars. After several
months, the middleman obtained
from a foreign supplier a cache
of gyroscopes and accelerometers
for long range missiles
proscribed under resolution 687
(1991). The middleman managed to
ship some of these proscribed
items to Iraq in July 1995. A
shipment of additional
gyroscopes under the contract
was intercepted in Jordan in
November 1995. Iraq initially
denied that it had been involved
in this acquisition of
proscribed items. When it
admitted its involvement in
December 1995, it stated that
the middleman mistakenly
purchased gyroscopes which Iraq
had never ordered. The
Government of Iraq declared that
it had formally investigated
this case. Documents related to
the middleman's activities were
provided to the Commission. The
Commission has conducted an
extensive investigation into
this case. The investigations
confirmed that Iraq's
authorities and missile
facilities had been involved in
the acquisition of proscribed
components.
At the end of 1994 or the
beginning of 1995, an order was
issued to design a multi-stage
Space Launch Vehicle capable of
placing a small satellite into a
very low orbit. Such a missile
system would be capable of
carrying weapon payloads far
beyond permitted ranges.
According to Iraq's
declarations, missile
establishments started a
feasibility study. Several
designs based on Volga/SA2
surface-to-air missiles were
simulated. The report on this
study was prepared in February
1995, concluding that the idea
was not feasible given the
capabilities available to Iraq.
Allegedly the project was
stopped shortly thereafter. This
project was declared to the
Commission in August 1995.
Simulations of the system's
trajectory, some minutes of
meetings and a portion of the
final report were provided by
Iraq as supporting evidence. The
chief engineer involved in the
project stated that he knew at
the time that this subject was
prohibited by the United Nations
and that clustering and
multi-stage techniques as well
as separation techniques were
proscribed under resolution 715
(1991).
Until late 1995, Iraq
retained a number of original
gyroscope instruments for
proscribed SCUD-B/Al Hussein
missiles. In October 1995, Iraq
turned over to the Commission
more than a dozen proscribed
gyroscopes and related technical
drawings. Iraq explained that,
following Lt. General Hussein
Kamil's defection, an
"amnesty" order was
issued by the Government. By
this order, retained proscribed
components could be turned over
"anonymously" at
various collection points. The
gyroscopes appeared as a result
of this campaign. The Commission
asked for specific explanations
regarding the reasons for
retention of proscribed items,
the "collection"
sites, dates of collection of
items, etc. Iraq has not
provided complete clarifications
of these events.
In January 1996, a Commission
inspection team discovered,
during an on-site inspection of
a missile facility, computer
files with a missile simulation
program. They contained evidence
that in July 1992, a flight
simulation of a 3-stage missile
had been executed. The simulated
missile was based on proscribed
SCUD-B missiles. Iraq described
the product of the simulation as
a "Space Launch
Vehicle" that was an effort
of an unidentified engineer
working on his own. The
inspection team later determined
that the input/output data, as
well as the simulation program
itself, had been copied to
floppy diskettes in September
1992. Forensic examination also
revealed that the diskettes
obtained by the team were part
of a larger collection of
computer disks that were not
found by the team nor provided
by Iraq. Due to the manner in
which Iraq interfered with the
team's analysis of the acquired
diskettes, a proper chain of
evidence was not maintained,
resulting in additional
questions related to the nature
and implications of the
proscribed activities
discovered.
In late 1995, Iraq declared
that it had imported, in 1994, a
large vacuum furnace without
providing a notification to the
Commission. According to Iraq,
it ordered this equipment from a
foreign supplier prior to the
adoption of resolution 687
(1991) and specifically for
production of engines for Al
Hussein missiles. Pending
results of its investigation of
this illegal procurement, the
Commission tagged components of
the furnace and placed them
under monitoring. In mid 1998,
Iraq undertook to assemble the
furnace and began its
installation at one of its
declared facilities for
production of missile engines.
The ongoing installation
activities were under the
Commission's monitoring.
In late 1993, a large
shipment of ammonium perchlorate,
a key ingredient of missile
solid propellant, was
intercepted in one of the
regional sea ports outside Iraq.
The shipment was intended for
Iraq's missile programs. This
attempt to import
missile-related materials,
explicitly covered under the
Monitoring plan, was not
voluntarily declared by Iraq
until the Commission's knowledge
of this attempt was revealed to
Iraq by the Commission.
Concealment of ballistic
missile projects and facilities
specifically established for
missile-related production
Available evidence revealed
that after the adoption of
resolution 687 (1991), Iraq
operated in secrecy a facility
for the production of liquid
propellant missile engines. The
facility known as the Sadiq
factory was established by a
team from Project 1728
(production of proscribed Al
Hussein missile engines). The
facility's activity was not
declared to the Commission until
December 1995. Iraq stated that
the work on liquid propulsion
missile engines began in early
1992. This effort was declared
as directed at the
reverse-engineering and
production of the Volga/SA2
missile engine as well as the
manufacture of certain
components such as missile
engine shut-off valves, which
the original Volga/SA2 engine
did not have, but which are
required for a
surface-to-surface ballistic
missile. Specific measure were
taken to conceal this effort
from inspection teams.
A series of static tests
under this project were
conducted by Iraq in 1992 and
1993. The first five tests were
not declared to the Commission
and were thus not monitored by
inspection teams. While the plan
called for production of five
sets of engine hardware, Iraq
declared that a smaller number
of parts and components had been
actually produced but that no
engine had ever been assembled.
Some of these parts and
components were later shown to
an inspection team while others
were declared to have been
unilaterally melted. Little
documentary evidence has been
made available by Iraq to
support its declarations
regarding the nature of missile
engine production activities at
the Sadiq Factory.
Iraq had a project, prior to
the Gulf War, to construct a
dedicated facility to
indigenously produce proscribed
missile propellants for Al
Hussein missiles (for details,
see Section 2, above). The
project continued after the
adoption of resolution 687
(1991) in April 1991. After the
Commission presented its
evidence of such activities to
Iraq, Iraq admitted in 1996 that
such a project had existed and
its construction had continued
after April 1991. Iraq explained
that the completion of the
construction of the project's
buildings had been accomplished
as a part of the
"reconstruction
campaign" and the project
had not been fully implemented
due to technical difficulties in
the procurement of some
equipment. No supporting
documentation has been provided
by Iraq to support its
declarations.
Available evidence shows that
since the adoption of
resolutions 687 and 715 (1991),
Iraq has been seeking foreign
assistance to support its
declared and undeclared efforts
in the missile area. The
assistance sought ranged from
the acquisition of particular
missile parts and components, to
the provision of comprehensive
support for the development and
production of missiles in Iraq.
In most cases, Iraq did not
declare these efforts or its
foreign partners to the
Commission until they were
either fulfilled, declared
abandoned by Iraq, or discovered
by the Commission.
|
The ultimate fate of this program is
still unknown.
ABOUT DR. ANTHONY CORDESMAN
Dr. Anthony Cordesman holds the Arleigh
Burke Chair in Strategy at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies and is
Co-Director of the Center's Middle East
Program. He is also a military analyst for
ABC and a Professor of National Security
Studies at Georgetown. He directs the
assessment of global military balance,
strategic energy developments, and CSIS'
Dynamic Net Assessment of the Middle East.
He is the author of books on the military
lessons of the Iran-Iraq war as well as
the Arab-Israeli military balance and the
peace process, a six-volume net assessment
of the Gulf, transnational threats, and
military developments in Iran and Iraq. He
analyzes U.S. strategy and force plans,
counter-proliferation issues, arms
transfers, Middle Eastern security,
economic, and energy issues.
Dr. Cordesman served as a national
security analyst for ABC News for the
1990-91 Gulf War, Bosnia, Somalia,
Operation Desert Fox, and Kosovo. He was
the Assistant for National Security to
Senator John McCain and a Wilson Fellow at
the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars at
the Smithsonian. He has served in senior
positions in the Office of the Secretary
of Defense, the Department of State, the
Department of Energy, and the Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency. His
posts include acting as the Civilian
Assistant to the Deputy Secretary of
Defense, Director of Defense Intelligence
Assessment, Director of Policy,
Programming, and Analysis in the
Department of Energy, Director of Project
ISMILAID, and as the Secretary of
Defense's representative on the Middle
East Working Group.
Dr. Cordesman has also served in
numerous overseas posts. He was a member
of the U.S. Delegation to NATO and a
Director on the NATO International Staff,
working on Middle Eastern security issues.
He served in Egypt, Iran, Lebanon, Turkey,
the UK, and West Germany. He has been an
advisor to the Commander-in-Chief of U.S.
Forces in Europe, and has traveled
extensively in the Gulf and North Africa.
MORE IN GULFWIRE FROM DR. CORDESMAN
[To access these reports and other
GulfWire on-line archive materials visit: http://www.arabialink.com/ArchiveInfo
for details.]
IRAQ SECURITY ROUNDTABLE AT CSFS: A
DISCUSSION WITH DR. ANTHONY CORDESMAN --
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A COALITION OF THE UNWILLING: ARMS
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IS IRAQ IN MATERIAL BREACH? WHAT HANS
BLIX, COLIN POWELL, AND JACK STRAW
ACTUALLY SAID BY ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN --
GulfWire Perspectives - December 20, 2002
http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_12_20.htm
SAUDI ARABIA: OPPOSITION, ISLAMIC
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December 1, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_12_01.htm
PLANNING FOR A SELF-INFLICTED WOUND:
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BY ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN -- GulfWire
Perspectives - November 24, 2002
http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_11_24.htm
THE WEST AND THE ARAB WORLD PARTNERSHIP
OR A "CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS? BY
ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN -- GulfWire
Perspectives - November 12, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_11_12.htm
STRATEGY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: THE GAP
BETWEEN STRATEGIC THEORY AND OPERATIONAL
REALITY BY DR. ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN --
GulfWire Perspectives - October 22, 2002
http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_10_22.htm
A FIRSTHAND LOOK AT SAUDI ARABIA SINCE
9-11 GULFWIRE'S INTERVIEW WITH DR. ANTHONY
CORDESMAN IN SAUDI ARABIA -- GulfWire
Perspectives - October 10, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_10_10.htm
IRAQ: A DYNAMIC NET ASSESSMENT BY DR.
ANTHONY CORDESMAN -- GulfWire Perspectives
- July 12, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_07_12.htm
IF WE FIGHT IRAQ: IRAQ AND ITS WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION BY ANTHONY H.
CORDESMAN -- GulfWire Perspectives - June
2, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_06_02.htm
IF WE FIGHT IRAQ: IRAQ AND THE
CONVENTIONAL MILITARY BALANCE BY ANTHONY
H. CORDESMAN -- GulfWire Perspectives -
June 1, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_06_01.htm
ESCALATING TO NOWHERE: THE ISRAELI AND
PALESTINIAN STRATEGIC FAILURE BY ANTHONY
H. CORDESMAN -- GulfWire Perspectives -
April 8, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_04_08.htm
REFORGING THE U.S. AND SAUDI STRATEGIC
PARTNERSHIP BY DR. ANTHONY H. CORDESMAN --
GulfWire Perspectives - January 28, 2002 http://www.arabialink.com/Archive/GWPersp/GWP2002/GWP_2002_01_28.htm
BOOKS BY DR. CORDESMAN
"Iraq and the War of Sanctions:
Conventional Threats and Weapons of Mass
Destruction" http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0275965287/arabialink
"Iraq: Sanctions and Beyond,"
(CSIS Middle East Dynamic Net Assessment) http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0813332362/arabialink
"Saudi Arabia: Guarding the Desert
Kingdom," (CSIS Middle East Dynamic
Net Assessment) http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0813332427/arabialink
"Terrorism, Asymmetric Warfare,
and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Defending
the U.S. Homeland" http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0275974278/arabialink
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